#97001: Implicit Bias in Health Care

In a sociocultural context, biases are generally defined as negative evaluations of a particular social group relative to another group. Explicit biases are conscious, whereby an individual is fully aware of his/her attitudes and there may be intentional behaviors related to these attitudes [5,101]. These individuals are generally uninterested in changing their biases [102]. For example, an individual may openly endorse a belief that women are weak and men are strong. This bias is fully conscious and is made explicitly known. The individual's ideas may then be reflected in his/her work as a manager.

FitzGerald and Hurst assert that there are cases in which implicit cognitive processes are involved in biases and conscious availability, controllability, and mental resources are not [6]. The term "implicit bias" refers to the unconscious attitudes and evaluations held by individuals. These individuals do not necessarily endorse the bias, but the embedded beliefs/attitudes can negatively affect their behaviors [2,7,8,9,102]. They are automatically activated, and an individual may not even be aware that these biases affect their behaviors and communication patterns [101]. Some have asserted that the cognitive processes that dictate implicit and explicit biases are separate and independent [9].

Implicit biases can start as early as 3 years of age. As children age, they may begin to become more egalitarian in what they explicitly endorse, but their implicit biases may not necessarily change in accordance to these outward expressions [10]. Because implicit biases occur on the subconscious or unconscious level, particular social attributes (e.g., skin color) can quietly and insidiously affect perceptions and behaviors [11]. According to Georgetown University's National Center on Cultural Competency, social characteristics that can trigger implicit biases include [12]:

For example, studies have shown that implicit biases regarding pain experiences of Black patients and treatment adherence by patients with obesity continue to exist in health care. In one study, health professionals demonstrated less respect for patients with higher body mass index (BMI) [102]. These implicit biases affect how clinicians interact with patients, manage conditions, structure treatment protocols, and express empathy [103].

An alternative way of conceptualizing implicit bias is that an unconscious evaluation is only negative if it has further adverse consequences on a group that is already disadvantaged or produces inequities [6,13]. Disadvantaged groups are marginalized in the healthcare system and vulnerable on multiple levels; health professionals' implicit biases can further exacerbate these existing disadvantages [13].

When the concept of implicit bias was introduced in the 1990s, it was thought that implicit biases could be directly linked to behavior. Despite the decades of empirical research, many questions, controversies, and debates remain about the dynamics and pathways of implicit biases [2].

In addition to understanding implicit and explicit bias, there is additional terminology related to these concepts that requires specific definition.

Among the more than 40 million participants who have completed the IAT at the Project Implicit website, individuals generally exhibited implicit preference for White faces over Black or Asian faces. In addition, there is a general preference for heterosexual people over gay individuals, young over old individuals, thin over obese people, and cisgender over gender and sexual minorities (LGBTQ+) [107]. The Pew Research Center also conducted an exploratory study on implicit biases, focusing on the extent to which individuals adhered to implicit racial biases [40]. A total of 2,517 IATs were completed and used for the analysis. Almost 75% of the respondents exhibited some level of implicit racial biases. Only 20% to 30% did not exhibit or showed very little implicit bias against the minority racial groups tested. Approximately half of all single-race White individuals displayed an implicit preference for White faces over Black faces. For single-race Black individuals, 45% had implicit preference for their own group. For biracial White/Black adults, 23% were neutral. In addition, 22% of biracial White/Asian participants had no or minimal implicit racial biases. However, 42% of the White/Black biracial adults leaned toward a pro-White bias.

In another interesting field experiment, although not specifically examining implicit bias, resumes with names commonly associated with African American or White candidates were submitted to hiring officers [41]. Researchers found that resumes with White-sounding names were 50% more likely to receive callbacks than resumes with African American-sounding names [41]. The underlying causes of this gap were not explored.

Implicit bias related to sex and gender is also significant. A survey of emergency medicine and obstetrics/gynecology residency programs in the United States sought to examine the relationship between biases related to perceptions of leadership and gender [42]. In general, residents in both programs (regardless of gender) tended to favor men as leaders. Male residents had greater implicit biases compared with their female counterparts. In a scoping review of studies around the world, researchers identified 87 studies that assessed unconscious biases among healthcare professionals [109]. Racial implicit biases were most frequently studied. Physicians and nurses were included in the majority of the studies. Analysis of the included studies indicates that implicit biases remain prevalent among healthcare providers.

Other forms of implicit bias can affect the provision of health and mental health care. One online survey examining anti-fat biases was provided to 4,732 first-year medical students [43]. Respondents completed the IAT, two measures of explicit bias, and an anti-fat attitudes instrument. Nearly 75% of the respondents were found to hold implicit anti-fat biases. Interestingly, these biases were comparable to the scope of implicit racial biases. Male sex, non-Black race, and lower BMI predicted holding these implicit biases.

Certain conditions or environmental risk factors are associated with an increased risk for certain implicit biases, including [44,45,106]:

One of the main goals of social psychology is to understand how attitudes and belief structures influence behaviors. Based on frameworks from both social and cognitive psychology, many theoretical frameworks used to explain implicit bias revolve around the concept of social cognition. One branch of cognitive theory focuses on the role of implicit or nondeclarative memory. Experts believe that this type of memory allows certain behaviors to be performed with very little conscious awareness or active thought. Examples include tooth brushing, tying shoelaces, and even driving. To take this concept one step farther, implicit memories may also underlie social attitudes and stereotype attributions [46]. This is referred to as implicit social cognition. From this perspective, implicit biases are automatic expressions based on belonging to certain social groups [47]. The IAT is premised on the role of implicit memory and past experiences in predicting behavior without explicit memory triggering [48].

Another branch of cognitive theory used to describe implicit biases involves heuristics. When quick decisions are required under conditions of uncertainty or fatigue, and/or when there is a tremendous amount of information to assimilate without sufficient time to process, decision-makers resort to heuristics [49]. Heuristics are essentially mental short cuts that facilitate (usually unconscious) rules that promote automatic processing [50]. However, these rules can also be influenced by socialization factors, which could then affect any unconscious or latent cognitive associations about power, advantage, and privilege. Family, friends, media, school, religion, and other social institutions all play a role in developing and perpetuating implicit and explicit stereotypes, and cognitive evaluations can be primed or triggered by an environmental cue or experience [51]. When a heuristic is activated, an implicit memory or bias may be triggered simultaneously [47]. This is also known as the dual-process model of information processing [50].

Behavioral or functional theorists argue that implicit bias is not necessarily a latent or unconscious cognitive structure. Instead, this perspective recognizes implicit bias as a group-based behavior [52]. Behavior is biased if it is influenced by social cues indicating the social group to which someone belongs [52]. Social cues can occur rapidly and unintentionally, which ultimately leads to automatic or implicit effects on behavior. The appeal of a behavioral or functional approach to implicit bias is that it is amoral; that is, it is value- and judgment-free [52]. Rather than viewing implicit bias as an invisible force (i.e., unconscious cognitive structure), it is considered a normal behavior [53].

Implicit bias has neuroscientific roots as well and has been linked to functions of the amygdala [2,54]. The amygdala is located in the temporal lobe of the brain, and it communicates with the hypothalamus and plays a large role in memory. When situations are emotionally charged, the amygdala is activated and connects the event to memory, which is why individuals tend to have better recall of emotional events. This area of the brain is also implicated in processing fear. Neuroscientific studies on implicit biases typically use functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to visualize amygdala activation during specific behaviors or events. In experimental studies, when White research subjects were shown photos of Black faces, their amygdala appeared to be more activated compared to when they viewed White faces [55]. This trend toward greater activation when exposed to view the faces of persons whose race differs from the viewer starts in adolescence and appears to increase with age [54]. This speaks to the role of socialization in the developmental process [54].

It may be that the activation of the amygdala is an evolutionary threat response to an outgroup [56]. Another potential explanation is that the activation of the amygdala is due to the fear of appearing prejudiced to others who will disapprove of the bias [56]. The neuroscientific perspective of implicit bias is controversial. While initial empirical studies appear to link implicit bias to amygdala activation, many researchers argue this relationship is too simplistic [2].

Many scholars and policymakers are concerned about the narrow theoretical views that researchers of implicit bias have taken. By focusing on unconscious cognitive structures, social cognition and neuroscientific theories miss the opportunity to also address the role of macro or systemic factors in contributing to health inequities [9,57,106]. By focusing on the neurobiology of implicit bias, for example, racism and bias is attributed to central nervous system function, releasing the individual from any control or responsibility. However, the historical legacy of prejudice and bias has roots in economic and structural issues that produce inequities [58,106]. Larger organizational, institutional, societal, and cultural forces contribute, perpetuate, and reinforce implicit and explicit biases, racism, and discrimination. Psychological and neuroscientific approaches ultimately decontextualize racism [9,57].

In response to this conflict, a systems-based practice has been proposed [59]. This type of practice emphasizes the role of sociocultural determinants of health outcome and the fact that health inequities stem from larger systemic forces. As a result, medical and health education and training should focus on how patients' health and well-being may reflect structural vulnerabilities driven in large part by social, cultural, economic, and institutional forces. Health and mental health professionals also require social change and advocacy skills to ensure that they can effect change at the organizational and institutional levels [59].

Implicit bias is not a new topic; it has been discussed and studied for decades in the empirical literature. Because implicit bias is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon, it is important to recognize that there may be no one single theory that can fully explain its etiology.

Implicit bias has been linked to a variety of health disparities [1]. Health disparities are differences in health status or disease that systematically and adversely affect less advantaged groups [60]. These inequities are often linked to historical and current unequal distribution of resources due to poverty, structural inequities, insufficient access to health care, and/or environmental barriers and threats [61]. Healthy People 2030 defines a health disparity as [62]:

As noted, in 2003, the Institute of Medicine implicated implicit bias in the development and continued health disparities in the United States [1]. Despite progress made to lessen the gaps among different groups, health disparities continue to exist. One example is racial disparities in life expectancy among Black and White individuals in the United States. Life expectancy for Black men is 4.4 years lower than White men; for Black women, it is 2.9 years lower compared with White women [63]. Hypertension, diabetes, and obesity are more prevalent in non-Hispanic Black populations compared with non-Hispanic White groups (25%, 49%, and 59% higher, respectively) [64]. In one study, African American and Latina women were more likely to experience cesarean deliveries than their White counterparts, even after controlling for medically necessary procedures [65]. This places African American and Latina women at greater risk of infection and maternal mortality.

One of the most salient statistics that highlights racial health disparities is in maternal morbidity and mortality rates. In the United States, Black patients are 212% more likely than White patients to die from pregnancy- or childbirth-related causes [110]. In addition, during the COVID-19 pandemic, evidence of racial health disparities was widespread. People of color were hospitalized for COVID at 4.7 to 5.3 times the rate of White Americans [110].

Gender health disparities have also been demonstrated. Generally, self-rated physical health (considered one of the best proxies to health) is poorer among women than men. Depression is also more common among women than men [66]. Lesbian and bisexual women report higher rates of depression and are more likely than non-gay women to engage risk behaviors such as smoking and binge drinking, perhaps as a result of LGBTQ+-related stressors. They are also less likely to access healthcare services [67].

Socioeconomic status also affects health care engagement and quality. In a study of patients seeking treatment for thoracic trauma, those without insurance were 1.9 times more likely to die compared with those with private insurance [68].

In an ideal situation, health professionals would be explicitly and implicitly objective and clinical decisions would be completely free of bias. However, healthcare providers have implicit (and explicit) biases at a rate comparable to that of the general population [6,69]. It is possible that these implicit biases shape healthcare professionals' behaviors, communications, and interactions, which may produce differences in help-seeking, diagnoses, and ultimately treatments and interventions [69]. For example, physicians have been shown to minimize Black patients' pain, ignore their complaints, and spend less time in examination rooms with them [111]. In a 2021 study, physicians were more likely to expect Black patients would not adhere to an HIV pre-exposure prophylaxis medication compared with White patients [112]. As a result, physicians were less likely to discuss available regimens with Black patients.

They may also unwittingly produce professional behaviors, attitudes, and interactions that reduce patients' trust and comfort with their provider, leading to earlier termination of visits and/or reduced adherence and follow-up [7]. The adverse consequences of implicit biases between patients and practitioners emerge in the following areas [106]:

In a landmark 2007 study, a total of 287 internal medicine physicians and medical residents were randomized to receive a case vignette of an either Black or White patient with coronary artery disease [70]. All participants were also administered the IAT. When asked about perceived level of cooperativeness of the White or Black patient from the vignette, there were no differences in their explicit statements regarding cooperativeness. Yet, the IAT scores did show differences, with scores showing that physicians and residents had implicit preferences for the White patients. Participants with greater implicit preference for White patients (as reflected by IAT score) were more likely to select thrombolysis to treat the White patient than the Black patient [70]. This led to the possible conclusion that implicit racial bias can influence clinical decisions regarding treatment and may contribute to racial health disparities. However, some argue that using vignettes depicting hypothetical situations does not accurately reflect real-life conditions that require rapid decision-making under stress and uncertainty.

It has been hypothesized that providers' levels of bias affect the ratings of patient-centered care [34]. Patient-centered care has been defined as patients' positive ratings in the areas of perception of provider concern, provider answering patients' questions, provider integrity, and provider knowledge of the patient. Using data from 134 health providers who completed the IAT, a total of 2,908 diverse racial and ethnic minority patients participated in a telephone survey. Researchers found that for providers who scored high on levels of implicit bias, African American patients' ratings for all dimensions of patient-centered care were low compared with their White patient counterparts. Latinx patient ratings were low regardless of level of implicit bias.

A 2013 study recorded clinical interactions between 112 low-income African American patients and their 14 non-African American physicians for approximately two years [71]. Providers' implicit biases were also assessed using the IAT. In general, the physicians talked more than the patients; however, physicians with higher implicit bias scores also had a higher ratio of physician-to-patient talk time. Patients with higher levels of perceived discrimination had a lower ratio of physician-to-patient talk time (i.e., spoke more than those with lower reported perceived discrimination). A lower ratio of physician-patient talk time correlated to decreased likelihood of adherence.

Another study assessed 40 primary care physicians and 269 patients [72]. The IAT was administered to both groups, and their interactions were recorded and observed for verbal dominance (defined as the time of physician participation relative to patient participation). When physicians scored higher on measures of implicit bias, there was 9% more verbal dominance on the part of the physicians in the visits with Black patients and 11% greater in interactions with White patients. Physicians with higher implicit bias scores and lower verbal dominance also received lower scores on patient ratings on interpersonal care, particularly from Black patients [72].

In focus groups with racially and ethnically diverse patients who sought medical care for themselves or their children in New York City, participants reported perceptions of discrimination in health care [73]. They reported that healthcare professionals often made them feel less than human, with varying amounts of respect and courtesy. Some observed differences in treatment compared with White patients. One Black woman reported [73]:

Another participant was a Latino physician who presented to the emergency department. He described the following [73]:

These reports are illustrative of many minority patients' experiences with implicit and explicit racial/ethnic biases. Not surprisingly, these biases adversely affect patients' views of their clinical interactions with providers and ultimately contribute to their mistrust of the healthcare system.

Perspective taking is a strategy of taking on a first-person perspective of a person in order to control one's automatic response toward individuals with certain social characteristics that might trigger implicit biases [82; 117]. The goal is to increase psychological closeness and empathy, anticipate others' feelings and reactions, and facilitate connection with members of the group [4; 117]. Engaging with media that presents a perspective (e.g., watching documentaries, reading an autobiography) can help promote better understanding of the specific group's lives, experiences, and viewpoints. In one study, participants who adopted the first-person perspectives of African Americans had more positive automatic evaluations of the targeted group [83]. However, one of the critiques to perspective taking is that instead of highlighting similarities, differences can be emphasized and could result in reinforced stereotypes [117].

Interactive Activity

Consuming media that presents a viewpoint and life experience different from your own can help minimize implicit biases. Visit the following sites and consider how they might challenge or expand your perception of each group. Internet searches can help identify many more options for various social groups.

Think Out Loud Podcast

Young Black people share their experiences growing up in Portland, Oregon.

https://www.opb.org/article/2020/10/30/young-black-people-share-their-experiences-growing-up-in-portland

George Takei: Growing Up Asian-American

This PBS clip is a brief introduction, and the subject can be further explored in Takei's book They Called Us Enemy.

https://www.pbs.org/wnet/pioneers-of-television/video/george-takei-growing-up-asian-american

Seattle Public Library LGBTQ Staff Picks

A reading list including books and films focusing on LGBTQ+ life, culture, history, and politics.

https://www.spl.org/programs-and-services/social-justice/lgbtq/lgbt-staff-picks

Promoting positive emotions such as empathy and compassion can help reduce implicit biases. This can involve strategies like perspective taking and role playing [77]. In a study examining analgesic prescription disparities, nurses were shown photos of White or African American patients exhibiting pain and were asked to recommend how much pain medication was needed; a control group was not shown photos. Those who were shown images of patients in pain displayed no differences in recommended dosage along racial lines; however, those who did not see the images averaged higher recommended dosages for White patients compared with Black patients [84]. This suggests that professionals' level of empathy (enhanced by seeing the patient in pain) affected prescription recommendations.

In a study of healthcare professionals randomly assigned to an empathy-inducing group or a control group, participants were given the IAT to measure implicit bias prior to and following the intervention. Level of implicit bias among participants in the empathy-inducing group decreased significantly compared with their control group counterparts [85].

Individuation is an implicit bias reduction intervention that involves obtaining specific information about the individual and relying on personal characteristics instead of stereotypes of the group to which he or she belongs [4,82]. The key is to concentrate on the person's specific and unique experiences, achievements, personality traits, qualifications, and other personal attributes rather than focusing on gender, race, ethnicity, age, ability, and other social attributes, all of which can activate implicit biases [118]. Teaching individuals to pause and take time to ask questions instead of relying on assumptions is vital [118]. When providers lack relevant information, they are more likely to fill in data with stereotypes, in some cases unconsciously. Time constraints and job stress increase the likelihood of this occurring [69].

Mindfulness requires stopping oneself and deliberately emptying one's mind of distractions or allowing distractions to drift through one's mind unimpeded, focusing only on the moment; judgment and assumptions are set aside. This approach involves regulating one's emotions, responses, and attention to return to the present moment, which can reduce stress and anxiety [86]. There is evidence that mindfulness can help regulate biological and emotional responses and can have a positive effect on attention and habit formation [4]. A mindfulness activity assists individuals to be more aware of their thoughts and sensations. This focus on deliberation moves the practitioner away from a reliance on instincts, which is the foundation of implicit bias-affected practice [4,87]. Research indicates that there are two main types of mindfulness practice [119]. The first is general mindful practice, which includes interventions that promote awareness to the individual in the present moment through current body sensation and emotional states. The second type is loving-kindness meditation, which entails individuals thinking of another person (from out-group or in-group) and sending love to them and to the self. The goal of this type of practice is to promote empathy and compassion to another person or persons.

Mindfulness approaches include yoga, meditation, and guided imagery. Additional resources to encourage a mindfulness practice are provided later in this course.

An approach to mindfulness using the acronym STOPP has been developed as a practical exercise to engage in mindfulness in any moment. STOPP is an acronym for [88]:

Interactive Activity

Visit the following website to view a short, animated video on the STOPP technique. After viewing the video, consider how you can incorporate the technique into your work.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tStXi7f7Vgk

Mindfulness practice has been explored as a technique to reduce activation or triggering of implicit bias, enhance awareness of and ability to control implicit biases that arise, and increase capacity for compassion and empathy toward patients by reducing stress, exhaustion, and compassion fatigue [89]. One study examined the effectiveness of a loving-kindness meditation practice training in improving implicit bias toward African Americans and unhoused persons. One hundred one non-Black adults were randomized to one of three groups: a six-week loving-kindness mindfulness practice, a six-week loving-kindness discussion, or the waitlist control. The IAT was used to measure implicit biases, and the results showed that the loving-kindness meditation practice decreased levels of implicit biases toward both groups [90].

There is also some novel evidence that mindfulness may have neurologic implications. For example, one study showed decreased amygdala activation after a mindfulness meditation [91]. However, additional studies are required in this area before conclusions can be reached.

Counter-stereotypical imaging approaches involve presenting an image, idea, or construct that is counter to the oversimplified stereotypes typically held regarding members of a specific group [120]. In one study, participants were asked to imagine either a strong woman (the experimental condition) or a gender-neutral event (the control condition) [92]. Researchers found that participants in the experimental condition exhibited lower levels of implicit gender bias. Similarly, exposure to female leaders was found to reduce implicit gender bias [93]. Whether via increased contact with stigmatized groups to contradict prevailing stereotypes or simply exposure to counter-stereotypical imaging, it is possible to unlearn associations underlying various implicit biases. If the social environment is important in priming positive evaluations, having more positive visual images of members in stigmatized groups can help reduce implicit biases [94]. Inviting speakers whose demographic background is different from staff or other invited presenters is also a good practice [120]. Some have suggested that even just hanging photos and having computer screensavers reflecting positive images of various social groups could help to reduce negative associations [94].

The effectiveness of implicit bias trainings and interventions has been scrutinized. In a 2019 systematic review, different types of implicit bias reduction interventions were evaluated. A meta-analysis of empirical studies published between May 2005 and April 2015 identified eight different classifications of interventions [13]:

Interventions found to be the most effective were, in order from most to least, [13]:

For implicit bias interventions to be effective, they must be grounded in social psychological theories and incorporate perspective taking, building partnerships, and emotional regulation (e.g., mindfulness) to help reduce stress [39].

In general, the sample sizes were small. It is also unclear how generalizable the findings are, given many of the research participants were college psychology students. The 30 studies included in the meta-analysis were cross-sectional (not longitudinal) and only measured short-term outcomes, and there is some concern about "one shot" interventions, given the fact that implicit biases are deeply embedded. Would simply acknowledging the existence of implicit biases be sufficient to eliminate them [95,96]? Or would such a confession act as an illusion to having self-actualized and moved beyond the bias [95]? Others have questioned the effectiveness interventions to reduce implicit biases on a long-term basis and suggest that institutional strategies to identify and address biases may be more effective [121]. One example is the University of Washington's School of Medicine's online reporting mechanism, which allows individuals who are either third-party observers or who are targets to report issues. When necessary, follow-up to reported incidents are conducted by human resources.

Optimally, implicit bias interventions involve continual practice to address deeply habitual implicit biases or interventions that target structural factors [95,96].