#97471: Human Trafficking and Exploitation: The Texas Requirement

Although the United Nations definitions are used in this course, scholars, practitioners, researchers, and policy makers have not come to a consensus definition of human trafficking. Consequently, terms such as sexual slavery, human smuggling, and modern-day slavery have all been used [18]. When the term human trafficking is utilized, it often has connotations of sexual exploitation affecting mainly women and girls, the most visible victims, but this is not accurate [18]. This perspective is partially attributable to the large number of religious and feminist organizations who have worked to eradicate non-consensual sex work [19]. This lack of consensus definition also raises questions about the study population in the research. The involved parties (i.e., the trafficker, those who are trafficked, and the networks) are continually changing in time and space [20].

Defining these terms is essential because it will ultimately influence responses to human trafficking. As stated, all social problems are competing for attention and resources, and the response is influenced by how the social problem is defined and portrayed [21]. Ultimately, the lack of a consensus definition is one of the reasons studying human trafficking has been a challenge and that research yields unreliable prevalence estimates.

Another reason human trafficking has been a difficult topic to research is the hidden and invisible nature of its victims and perpetrators. This makes it difficult for researchers to use traditional sampling methods. Even if trafficked victims are identified, perpetrators can move them to new locations [22]. If and when researchers access this hidden population, victims are often reluctant to talk due to fear, shame, and the stigma associated with their experiences. Consequently, much of what has been studied has relied on interviews with professionals (e.g., lawyers, advocates, police/law enforcement, and other service providers), which has led to recommendations that are not based on firsthand accounts [23].

A host of ethical issues also arise for those conducting research in this area. Protecting study participants' identities is paramount, and consequently, study participants signing informed consent forms, which are often required by institutional review boards, becomes complicated. Understandably, victims and perpetrators often will not want to sign forms using their real names for fear of deportation, arrest, and/or reprisals [22].

The TVPA of 2000 is a U.S. federal statute passed by Congress to address the issue of human trafficking and offers protection for human trafficking victims [15]. This statute defines sex trafficking as, "the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for the purpose of a commercial sex act" [15]. A commercial sex act is, "any sex act on account of which anything of value is given to or received by any person" [15]. In other words, it usually involves the illegal transport of humans into another country to be exploited in a sexual manner for financial gain [27]. However, it does not always involve the transport of victims from one region to another; such cases are referred to as "internal trafficking" [28]. Victims of sex trafficking could be forced into prostitution, stripping, pornography, escort services, and other sexual services [29]. Victims may be adult women or men or children, although there is a higher prevalence of women and girls. The term "domestic minor sex trafficking" has become a popular term used to connote the buying, selling, and/or trading of children younger than 18 years of age for sexual services within the country, not internationally [29,30]. An element of force, fraud, or coercion is not necessary, as the victims are children and inherently vulnerable [30]. In the United States, the children most vulnerable to domestic minor sex trafficking are those who are homeless, abused, runaways, and/or in child protective services [29].

Although controversial, it is said that sex trafficking victims differ from consensual sex work in that sex trafficking victims are forced to involuntarily perform sexual services and are often not paid for their "work." Sex trafficking involves the use of force and coercion and can encompass other forms of criminal sexual activities, including forced erotic dancing, "mail-order brides," and pornography [28]. On the other hand, individuals involved in consensual sex work make a decision to provide sex services for a fee. The decision to enter sex work does not eliminate the possibility of being a victim of trafficking if one is held against his/her will through physical and/or psychological abuse [4]. It is also important to remember that this does not necessarily mean sex work is a choice these individuals would have made if other options were available or that they have a choice in selecting their sexual partners and/or sexual activities [31].

The United Nations has defined debt bondage as [32]:

Essentially, because the individual does not have money as collateral for the debt owed, the individual pledges his/her labor or, in some cases, the labor of a child or another individual for an unspecified amount of time [33]. These individuals may be transported or trafficked into another country for the purpose of forced labor.

In many cases of bonded labor, the initial loan may be welcomed by the individual. However, the victims do not realize that with the low wages, unspoken high interest rates and other continually accruing fees, and the perpetrator's manipulation of the "accounts," laborers can never repay the loans. Some estimate that half of all persons in forced labor are bonded laborers. The majority of bonded labor cases occur in India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan [34]. Some families find themselves in a cycle of poverty as the debt cannot be paid off and is passed down from generation to generation [33]. Bonded labor can involve laborers in brick kilns, mines, stone quarries, looming factories, agricultural farms, and other manufacturing factories [33]. In the United States, individuals may be trafficked to work long hours in garment factories, restaurants, and other manufacturing sectors. Frequently, the employer/captor will take away victims' identifications, monitor their movements, socially isolate them, and/or threaten deportation if they do not comply [35]. Migrant workers are at high risk of forced labor [4].

In the United States, forced labor is predominantly found in five sectors [35]:

It is speculated that most of the forced labor occurs in California, Florida, New York, and Texas, all major routes for international travel [35].

Domestic servitude refers to a category of domestic workers (usually female) who work in forced labor as servants, housekeepers, maids, and/or caregivers, often in private homes. In some cases, young women are lured with the promise of a good education and work, and when they arrive in the United States, they are exploited economically, physically, and/or sexually. Their passports or identification papers are taken away, and they are told they have to pay off the debt incurred for their travel, processing fees, and any other bogus expenses. Because they do not speak English, they find they have no other recourse but to endure exploitative working conditions [36]. Unfortunately, as in many sectors of forced labor, there are no regulations to monitor the conditions under which domestic servants operate [35].

Child labor can be viewed as a specific form of bonded labor or forced labor. However, not all child laborers have been trafficked. Child labor is defined by International Labour Organization (ILO) as economic labor performed by a child younger than 15 years of age or hazardous labor done by a child 18 years of age or younger. Child labor is deeply rooted in poverty and the infrastructure and political stability of the country as well as market forces [37]. The ILO estimates that there were 160 million child laborers in the world in 2020 (63 million girls and 97 million boys) [38]. This accounts for nearly one in ten of all children worldwide [38]. Between 2000 and 2020 there was a nearly 35% decrease in the number of children in child labor. The reduction was greater for girls than for boys . The number of children in child labor has increased from 2008 to 2020 in sub-Saharan Africa (from 65.1 million to 86.6 million), while it has declined in other parts of the world (e.g., Asia/the Pacific, Latin America/the Caribbean) [38].

The definition of child labor is controversial because the definitions for "work" and "childhood" are ambiguous and often culturally defined [39]. On a conceptual level, work may be beneficial for the socialization and educational processes of children [39,40]. So, it is important to differentiate between child work and child labor. Child work has been defined as activities that are supervised by an adult and that promote the development and growth of the child, while child labor does not benefit the child [37]. Many definitions of child labor create a dichotomy whereby child work is considered not harmful while child labor has negative emotional, intellectual, and social consequences [41]. Work that is exploitative for children has been defined as working long hours at a young age, work that is poorly compensated, and work that produces physical, social, and psychological stress that will hamper development, access to education, and self-esteem [42]. The ILO adds that child labor is work that "interferes with their schooling by: depriving them of the opportunity to attend school; obliging them to leave school prematurely; or requiring them to attempt to combine school attendance with excessively long and heavy work" [40].

It is important to remember that child labor occurs in the United States. Runaway and homeless youths are at greatest risk, often lured by promises of work and housing [43]. The Polaris Project found that the top three forms of child labor trafficking in the United States were begging, peddling, and traveling sales crews [43].

In some cases of trafficking, children are kidnapped and trafficked to serve as soldiers. Other times, children are coerced by a narrative indicating they will be serving a higher purpose and avenge the deaths of family and friends; this is known as comradeship [44,45]. Some children are actively recruited and may be promised a small salary to "voluntarily" join.

It is estimated that at any one time up to 300,000 children younger than 18 years of age are serving as child soldiers [46,47]. Traffickers prefer to recruit children to serve as soldiers because they are inexpensive and more easily molded and shaped to comply and obey without question [48]. It can be difficult to comprehend the atrocities that these children witness and experience [49,50].

A variety of individual level factors may predispose an individual to human trafficking victimization. A history of physical, sexual, or emotional abuse and/or of witnessing violence in the home has been identified at increased rates among trafficking victims. Other possible risk factors include adherence to rigid gender roles, acceptance of norms supporting sexual exploitation of women and children, overestimation of problem behavior in peers/others, lack of trafficking awareness, and substance abuse [51].

Families marked by instability (e.g., domestic violence, child abuse, continual unemployment) are also at higher risk of having a member trafficked [30]. In addition, families entrenched in deep poverty may feel they have no other recourse but to sell a child or may be more easily lured with promises of money and a better future [54,55,56].

Community factors (such as high social disorganization characterized by violence, unemployment, and high crime) contribute to higher risk of trafficking [30].

The rampant use of digital technology, such as the Internet, greatly facilitates sex trafficking. The relative anonymity of online contact can empower traffickers to recruit or sell victims. Graphic images of women and children engaged in sexual acts can be easily disseminated over the Internet [57]. Traffickers may employ the Internet for advertising, marketing to those interested in making pornography [57]. In addition, social media sites such as Facebook, Craigslist, and Instagram have been used as a means of facilitating trafficking (e.g., by connecting and grooming potential victims) [58,59,60]. Newsgroups offer opportunities for those interested in locating women and children for sexual exploitation.

In a 2013 qualitative study, smartphones were found to be integral in the business of trafficking [58]. Researchers indicated the phones were used "to maintain contact with each other, in order to facilitate the business 'transactions' and stay in touch with transnational 'partners' and other traffickers who remained in the country of origin" [58,59].

In studies of trafficked women, headaches, fatigue, dizziness, back pain, pelvic pain, stomach pain, sexually transmitted infections (STIs), unwanted pregnancies, and gynecologic infections were common, generally the result of continual physical, psychological, and sexual abuse [30,73]. Victims of labor trafficking also experience health issues related to the type of work, workplace conditions, malnutrition, and violence [74]. It is important to remember that some of these somatic complaints, such as headaches, fatigue, and gastrointestinal problems, may be underlying symptoms of anxiety, depression, and stress [73]. Some cultural groups might not use the terms "depression," "sad," or "anxious," but may use metaphors and somatic symptoms to describe their pain, all of which are embedded within cultural ideologies. The most common culture-based idioms of distress are somatic symptoms. Some groups tend not to psychologize emotional problems; instead, they experience psychological conflicts as bodily sensations (e.g., headaches, bodily aches, gastrointestinal problems, and dizziness).

Using an in-depth, direct interview survey designed to explore each stage of the trafficking experience, a multi-country European study identified a range of aversive health, sexual, and reproductive consequences common among women and adolescent victims of human trafficking [75]:

Victims may present with dental trauma and loss of teeth from violent acts. Injuries to the face and mouth area are common in abuse cases, and the potential for tooth involvement is high. Other dental problems arise as well, including infectious complications due to HIV, and even oral cancers or gingival disease due to substance use or poor access to dental care [79].

The British Association for Sexual Health and HIV has identified trafficked women/commercial sex workers as a group vulnerable to sexual violence. Inquiries about such vulnerabilities will help to identify those in need of additional support and help to facilitate appropriate referrals to mental health services, general practitioners, and support agencies. Access to interpreter and advocacy services may be helpful.

(https://www.bashhguidelines.org/media/1079/4450.pdf Last Accessed: January 25, 2024)

Level of Evidence: Expert Opinion/Consensus Statement

In the context of forced sex work among trafficked victims, safeguards against infection (e.g., regular condom use), early diagnosis, and adequate antimicrobial treatment are inconsistently employed or absent entirely [75]. Consequently, in addition to unwanted pregnancy, the risk for pelvic inflammatory disease and subsequent infertility is relatively high. Moreover, the relationship between forced sex work and HIV infection is stronger when sexual violence is involved. Women who are forced into sex work are 11 times more likely to become HIV-infected than women who engage in consensual sex work [80]. Sexual violence may increase the transmission risk as a result of open abrasions and injuries to the vagina. Furthermore, sexual violence can negatively impact self-esteem, which could then deter victims from advocating more strongly for condom use [80].

Victims of trafficking experience a host of psychological, mental health, and emotional distress. Depression, suicidal ideation, substance use, and anxiety are typically cited mental health problems [30]. Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is also common given the trauma many victims experience, including physical and/or sexual violence and abuse; victims forced into sex work experience continual, daily sexual assault [81]. In a study of 192 European women who were trafficked but who managed to escape, the overwhelming majority (95%) disclosed that they experienced physical and sexual violence during the time of their trafficked experience [73]. More than 90% reported sexual abuse, and 76% reported physical abuse.

Trafficked victims experience fear from the start of their capture through the transit phase and after they arrive at their destination. During the transit stage, many victims experience dangerous border crossings, risky types of transports, injury, beatings, and sexual assault [75]. Upon arrival to their destination, many trafficking victims have been socially isolated, held in confinement, and deprived of food [82]. All sense of security is stripped from them—their personal possessions, identity papers, passports, visas, and other documents are taken [75,82]. The continual fear for their personal safety and their families' safety and the perpetual threats of deportation ultimately breed a sense of loss of control and learned helplessness. It is not surprising that depression, anxiety, and PTSD are common symptoms experienced by trafficked victims.

In a study of 164 survivors of human trafficking who returned to Nepal, the authors examined the extent to which they experienced PTSD, depression, and anxiety [83]. All of the survivors experienced some level of these disorders, but the survivors who were trafficked for sex experienced higher levels of depression and PTSD compared to those who were not trafficked for sex. In a study with Moldovan survivors of human trafficking, researchers found that six months after their return, 54% had a diagnosable mental health issue. Specifically, 35.8% met the diagnostic criteria for PTSD, 12.5% met the criteria for major depression, and 5.8% were diagnosed with an anxiety disorder [84].

There is also some evidence that trafficked victims may experience complex PTSD, a type of PTSD that involves an acute change of the victims' sense of self, their relationship with others, and their relationship with God or a higher being [85]. These persons direct anger inwardly (toward themselves) as well as toward their perpetrators, which results in a loss of faith in themselves and the world [82,85,86]. Perhaps due to self-directed anger and shame, some will engage in risky sexual behaviors, self-harm, and substance abuse. Some victims also have difficulty managing and expressing how they are feeling, while others experience dissociation [82].

Substance abuse is also common among victims. In interviews, trafficked women discussed how traffickers forced them to use substances like drugs and/or alcohol so they could work longer hours, take on more clients, and/or perform sexual acts that they could not normally perform [75]. Other victims used substances as a means to cope with their situations. Trafficked individuals who are gender and/or sexual minorities report shame, confusion, and sexual identity issues if forced into heterosexual relationships [86].

Children forced into labor experience grueling hours and are frequently beaten by their captors. Underage victims of domestic sex trafficking fluctuate through a range of emotions, including despair, shame, guilt, hopelessness, anxiety, and fear [87]. Depending upon the level of trauma, some engage in self-destructive behaviors like self-mutilation or suicide attempts. For some, their ambivalence toward the perpetrators may be confusing. On the one hand, they want to escape the abuse, yet simultaneously, they may have a sort of traumatic bond with the perpetrators [87].

Children forced into conscription will also experience a host of psychological symptoms. In a study comparing former Nepalese child soldiers and children who were never conscripted, former child soldiers experienced higher levels of depression, anxiety, PTSD, psychological difficulties, and functional impairments [88]. In another study of former child soldiers from the Congo and Uganda, one-third met the criteria for PTSD [49]. The researchers found there was a relationship between greater levels of PTSD symptoms and higher levels of feelings of revenge and lower levels of openness to reconciliation [49]. In-depth narrative interviews of former child soldiers from northern Uganda found that the children spoke of the violence and atrocities they witnessed without any emotion, as if they had removed themselves from their experiences [89]. This speaks to how the victims have to numb themselves psychologically in order to cope. The researchers also found that the children who lost their mothers were more traumatized by this experience than by the violence they witnessed as soldiers.

Some have argued that the diagnostic criteria of PTSD may not be easily applied to those from different cultures. As a result, it is important to assess for other psychiatric disorders, such as depression. Japan, for example, never used the PTSD diagnosis prior to 1995, despite the fact that they have a large and intricate mental health system [90]. Ultimately, PTSD cannot be universally applied to every culture and for every humanitarian crisis; therefore, if a human trafficking victim does not necessarily fall within the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders criteria for PTSD, one cannot necessarily conclude that they have not experienced trauma or are not traumatized [90].

When rescued and attempting to reintegrate into their communities, victims of human trafficking often experience stigma, ostracism, and marginalization [88,91]. For example, in Nepal, community members perceived returning child soldiers who had performed acts such as carrying dead bodies or coed sleeping as in violation of Hindu cultural norms [88]. One documentary following former child soldiers living in a refugee camp in northern Uganda found that preconceived notions and myths about children soldiers often led to ridicule and ostracism after they were liberated from the army and returned home.

However, girls who were recruited as soldiers, who were forced to have sex, or who return with children appear to be the most marginalized group [92]. In a qualitative study of former girl soldiers in Sierra Leone, researchers found that, compared to returning boy soldiers, girls were perceived to have violated gender norms and values about sexuality. Although psychologically and developmentally they were still children, the community perceived and treated them as "damaged" or "unclean" women. Their communities were not able to re-integrate them, despite the victimization they experienced. These girls lacked voice and experienced shame, marginalization, poverty, and powerlessness upon their return [92]. In a study of former child soldiers in Uganda, the children reported having difficulty finding jobs or getting married when they returned home. Girls who had been raped were stigmatized and made to feel unwelcome in their communities. Others stated that their community perceived them as murderers [50].

Healthcare providers are often the most likely to encounter a victim of human trafficking under circumstances that provide an opportunity to intervene, and victims may be encountered in most mental health and healthcare venues. One study estimated that 30% to 87.8% of victims accessed medical services at some point during their trafficking [93]. Survivors may seek care in hospital emergency rooms, at local mental health authorities, urgent care facilities, family planning clinics, or outpatient medical settings for a variety of issues, including sexually transmitted infections, pregnancy, depression (including suicidality), injuries resulting from assault, substance abuse-related issues, and PTSD [94]. Because medical and dental appointments may allow for more privacy than a victim's other encounters, they may represent a unique opportunity for healthcare providers to intervene.

Yet, many providers lack the training and confidence to identify and assist victims. In a survey of 110 emergency department physicians, nurses, and physician assistants, the majority (76%) reported having a knowledge of human trafficking, but only 13% felt equipped to identify a trafficking victim and only 22% were confident in their ability to provide satisfactory care for such patients [95]. Less than 3% had ever received any training on this topic. In a separate survey of healthcare and social service providers, only 37% had ever received training on identification of trafficking victims [96]. This lack of healthcare provider knowledge is the root of some victim's reluctance to disclose.

Because human trafficking and exploitation are, by nature, covert processes, the identification and rescue of the victim can be difficult. As stated, traffickers often move victims from one area to another to reduce the risk of identification, and one of the main problems with the assessment of such individuals is that practitioners may only have a one-time encounter with the victim [97]. Other provider challenges include language barriers, the hidden nature of the crime, lack of self-identification as a victim, confusing or contradictory laws/regulations, lack of organizational protocols, and stereotypes/misconceptions [98].

Several barriers exist that prevent survivors from self-disclosing their experiences, including [98]:

All interactions with patients, regardless of whether or not they are potential victims of trafficking, should be centered on the patient's experiences, needs, and preferences. Providing patient-centered care means that care will be respectful of and responsive to individual patient preferences, needs, and values and will reflect the patient's values. This should be considered at all stages of assessment, intervention, and continued care/follow-up.

It is important to use a trauma-informed approach when assessing and caring for potential victims, which requires that practitioners understand the impact of trauma on all areas of an individual's life [99]. Physical, emotional, and psychological safety is at the heart of trauma-informed care. This approach allows for trust-building and continued communication, two factors that are vital to ensuring that patients receive the care and support they require.

Being trauma-informed is a strengths-based approach that is responsive to the impact of trauma on a person's life. It requires recognizing symptoms of trauma and designing all interactions with victims of human trafficking in such a way that minimizes the potential for re-traumatization. This involves creating a safe physical space in which to interact with survivors as well as assessing all levels of service and policy to create as many opportunities as possible for survivors to rebuild a sense of control. Most importantly, it promotes survivor empowerment and self-sufficiency. Survivors should also have access to services that promote autonomy and are comprehensive, victim-centered, and culturally appropriate. Additionally, trafficking survivors share that one of the most important steps to being trauma-informed is to be survivor-informed [100].

Bruises, scars, and other signs of physical abuse may be missed on examination, as victims are often beaten in areas hidden by clothing (e.g., the lower back) so as not to affect the victim's outer appearance. Physical trauma symptoms may be present, commonly on the torso, breast, and/or genital areas [101]. Burns, broken bones, pelvic pain, and/or STIs (particularly in children) may also be red flags [102]. However, more common physical injuries are also typical with other circumstances, making physical exam of limited value. The entire clinical picture should be considered.

It may also be helpful to assess for tattoos and/or other modifications (e.g., branding, piercings). Some perpetrators use tattoos to identify victims or to signify "ownership" [60].

With regard to episodic clinical encounters, recommendations for providing safe assessments in a culturally sensitive manner are lacking. The Department of Health and Human Services Administration for Children and Families maintains a useful website that addresses practical issues of human trafficking for allied professional groups, known as the Look Beneath the Surface Campaign [76]. Included are diagnostic and interviewing tips to help healthcare providers recognize and refer trafficking victims to appropriate services [76]. Emergency and primary care providers should be cognizant of clues that a patient may be the victim of trafficking and prepared to engage in a greater depth of inquiry with special attention to the following indicators [76,102,103,104]:

If answers to these questions indicate that an individual may be a victim of human trafficking, one should contact the National Human Trafficking Hotline at 1-888-373-7888. Under the child abuse laws, practitioners who are mandated reporters and who are suspicious that a minor is being abused should immediately report the abuse. For more information regarding specific states' reporting requirements, please visit https://www.childwelfare.gov/resources/states-territories-tribes/state-statutes.

Examples of questions to screen for human trafficking include [105,106,107]:

The Polaris Project has developed a flow chart for the assessment of potential trafficking victims, available at https://www.traffickingresourcecenter.org/sites/default/files/Assessment%20Tool%20-%20Medical%20Professionals.pdf. Again, if a person is thought to be a victim, healthcare providers should follow workplace protocols and/or contact the National Human Trafficking Hotline at 1-888-373-7888 for next steps.

Service providers should repeatedly weigh the risks and benefits of various actions when interviewing human trafficking victims [70,108,109]. Survivor safety is of utmost importance, and a private conversation should be sought, if at all possible. It may be necessary to be discrete or nonchalant when requesting to speak with the victim alone, as angering the trafficker may result in negative consequences for the victim. If the agency has a policy to always speak to patients alone, this may be easier to explain. Other strategies to separate a possible victim from a companion include stating the need for a private exam or testing (e.g., radiology, urine test). A companion's assistance with paperwork may also be requested in an outside office or lobby. If the potential victim does not want to be alone or is reluctant to go to a private location, it is vital to respect her/his wishes.

In addition, the following interviewing recommendations were published by the World Health Organization to encourage service providers to continually and ethically promote human trafficking victims' safety during every phase of the interviewing process [102,110]:

Providers should assume that human trafficking victims are describing their reality to the best of their ability, given the trauma they have experienced. Responses and behaviors (e.g., being guarded, defensive, belligerent) may be coping mechanisms [99].

While it may be necessary to modify the approach depending on the situation, the Advocates for Human Rights recommends that safety plans for trafficking survivors [111]:

In addition, non-U.S. citizens should have access to an emergency contact in the United States (potentially a legal services provider) and plans for young children (i.e., a decision-making proxy). Youth victims may require housing assistance [111].

Ideally, the victim of human trafficking should be offered a formal forensic evaluation; this requires written documentation of informed consent. Injuries should be documented in photographs, diagrams, or sketches. A growing number of hospitals now employ dedicated forensic nurses as part of a multispecialty sexual assault team [112]. Often, however, these trained specialists are not the first professionals to interact with the patient. Consequently, all healthcare professionals, particularly those in an emergency care setting, should have an understanding of the principles that govern proper collection and preservation of evidence during the examination of an assault victim.

The initial clinical assessment includes a careful history and physical examination, followed by selected laboratory testing and radiographic studies as indicated by clinical findings. Examination of the forensic patient is conducted in a thorough head-to-toe or toe-to-head manner, with the intent of documenting every indication of injury related to the incident (no matter how insignificant and involving every part of the body) using a body-map or wound chart. The entire body surface should be palpated to identify areas of bruising that may not yet be visible. Documentation and collection of evidence typically occurs at the same time as the physical exam—as evidence is detected it should be collected.

Forensic documentation includes a written component, a diagrammatic component, and a photographic component. Each should accurately inform the other. The written component must be detailed, accurate, and objective; the diagrammatic component must be thorough and legible; and the photographic component must include a measurement scale, be representative of the evidence, and remain objective.

Care and services provided to victims can be organized into three distinct categories: immediate and concrete services at the time of rescue; services related to recovery; and long-term services pertaining to reintegration [113]. When trafficking victims are rescued, a great deal of counseling services and practical, day-to-day assistance will be required. Housing, transportation, food, clothing, medical care, dental care, financial assistance, educational training, reunification (for those who wish to return to their homeland), and legal aid are some of the concrete services needed [24]. Practitioners should connect, coordinate, and case manage these services as much as possible. During this stage, it is also important to understand victims' needs, their strengths, and their risks and vulnerabilities [82].

Safety planning is also crucial in the immediate rescue stage. Traffickers may be continuing to try to locate some victims; placing victims in safe houses may be necessary [86]. The National Human Trafficking Hotline encourages that safety planning be based on the unique needs and circumstances of the individual. One should also take steps to ensure that one's own safety is also protected.

During the recovery and reintegration stages, as discussed, human trafficking victims experience an array of mental health and psychological issues. Mental health counseling is vital, but it is important to remember that the concept of counseling or talk therapy may be foreign to victims from non-Western cultures [70]. The expression of emotions may be in opposition to cultural values of emotional restraint, which can be intensified by feelings of shame and guilt resulting from experiences with sexual and physical assault. Beyond the paramount importance of the practitioner gaining the patient's trust, practitioners may educate patients about the counseling process and explore their patients' expectations about counseling, healing, and recovery [114]. As noted, victims' symptoms may not only be a manifestation of the trauma but also coping mechanisms to cope with self-blame, shame, and trauma [60].

Given differing cultural beliefs about healing, it is crucial that practitioners be open to alternative treatment and explore with patients the use of traditional healing methods [70]. There are many indigenous healing interventions victims may be using, including cultural rituals, faith healing, therapeutic touch, herbal remedies, and spiritual practices [115]. These interventions are multi-layered, taking into account the physical, psychological, communal, and spiritual [115]. These healing methods are historically rooted in specific cultures, and therefore, practitioners should become familiar with traditional healing methods and how they can be integrated with Western counseling techniques [114]. For example, given many cultural groups' beliefs that unmarried girls are defiled if raped, a cultural cleansing ritual may be needed as a first step to help a community accept a returning victim who was sexually assaulted during her trafficking experience [36]. After this ritual is performed, it is possible that both the patient and her family may be more open to counseling and other services.

Other trauma interventions that might be beneficial include cognitive-behavioral therapies, eye movement and desensitization reprocessing therapies, mindfulness techniques, and expressive therapies [60,86].

Physicians, social workers, nurses, therapists, and counselors must be familiar with legal, case management, educational, job and life skills training, and housing services in the community. Human trafficking victims are not only unfamiliar with navigating the social service system, but many are also not proficient in English. Therefore, practitioners will serve as coordinators and advocates, linking necessary services. In one study, the majority of agencies had to rely on collaboration in order to refer clients [116]. Social workers and practitioners relied on word-of-mouth and community meetings to learn about services in order to better meet the needs of human trafficking victims. Furthermore, because many community organizations and agencies are not familiar with human trafficking, practitioners must take a primary role in educating colleagues about the complex dynamics of human trafficking.

It is important to remember that the evidence supporting interventions and therapies for victims of human trafficking is in its infancy [113]. Most efficacy studies of therapies and interventions do not involve experimental designs, which makes it difficult to draw definitive conclusions regarding efficacy. Future work is needed to develop and evaluate interventions that address the multilayered and complex needs of human trafficking survivors.

In addition to addressing crises and stabilization upon identification of a potential trafficking victim, healthcare providers should contact the National Human Trafficking Hotline. This hotline also provides warm transfers of mandatory reporters' intakes to the Texas Department of Family and Protective Services (DFPS), helps build intelligence on human trafficking in Texas, and continuously improves its referral directory of Texas resources for victims seeking assistance for themselves. There are more than 90 Texas service providers listed on the National Referral Directory, with more than 60 of those being listed publicly.

According to Texas Family Code 261.101, any person having cause to believe that a child's physical or mental health or welfare has been adversely affected by abuse or neglect (including human trafficking victimization) by any person is required to immediately make a report to law enforcement or DFPS [117]. Professionals who are licensed or certified by the state or who are employees of a facility licensed, certified, or operated by the state and who, in the normal course of official duties or duties for which a license or certification is required, has direct contact with children are required to make reports within 48 hours; this includes physicians, nurses, social workers, counselors, and pharmacists. Reporting cannot be delegated.

Victims of human trafficking should be empowered with choice whenever possible, including the ability to determine whether to participate in the criminal justice process [100]. Cases involving abuse or neglect at the hands of a traditional caregiver may be investigated by the DFPS, but all other cases must be handled by a law enforcement agency [118]. For victims who choose to participate in the criminal justice process, safety and protection considerations apply.

There are limitations to law enforcement involvement, particularly with victims who may be reluctant to trust these figures. It is important that the law enforcement contact be trained and experienced in the intricacies of human trafficking and complex trauma. While building a criminal case and prosecuting perpetrators is important, measures should be taken to avoid re-traumatizing the victim.

Whenever possible, facilities should create trauma-informed organizational protocols to ensure that human trafficking survivors receive the best possible care. These protocols should include guidelines for appropriate assessment, documentation, reporting, intervention, and referral and may be incorporated into existing protocols for interacting with potential victims of child abuse, violence, and/or sexual assault.

To locate your county by DFPS region, please visit https://www.dfps.state.tx.us/contact_us/counties.asp. Organizations marked with an asterisk are faith-based.

DFPS Region 1 (Northwest)

DFPS Region 2 (Northwest)

DFPS Region 3 (Dallas Fort Worth)

DFPS Region 4 (East Central)

DFPS Region 5 (East Central)

DFPS Region 6 (Houston)

DFPS Region 7 (East Central)

DFPS Region 8 (South)

DFPS Region 9 (Northwest)

DFPS Region 10 (Northwest)

DFPS Region 11 (South)